In an unexpected twist, the European Commission has launched an investigation into an alleged spy network linked to Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU. The European Parliament debated the issue in a plenary session on 23 October, highlighting the seriousness of these allegations. Hungarian intelligence services have reportedly tried to recruit Hungarian nationals employed within EU institutions to build a network of informants. 

Brussels has long been known as a hotspot for international espionage, but revelations of an informant network linked directly to an EU member state has raised serious concerns regarding mutual trust and cooperation within the Union—the very foundation of European cooperation and integration. The network is believed to have operated from 2012 to 2018, coinciding with a period of heightened tension between the EU and the Hungarian government over democratic backsliding under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. The timing may suggest that the Hungarian government’s hostility is linked to broader political tensions, raising further questions regarding the country’s commitment to EU norms.

Brussels Under Surveillance 

The Hungarian agent, identified anonymously as V., operated under diplomatic cover within the Hungarian permanent representation within the EU. A 2015 document from the Hungarian EU embassy lists V. as an employee of the Cohesion Policy Department, working under the supervision of Olivér Várhelyi, then Hungary’s EU ambassador.

V.’s mission went beyond routine observation: he sought insight into the internal affairs of the European Commission, gathering intelligence from Hungarians working within the institution and even keeping tabs on  office rumors and political gossip. The secretive operation soon saw their end. V. reportedly attempted to recruit a Commission employee with a promise of financial compensation – according to Direkt36, which cited an unnamed informant. This raises serious questions, given that payments for information and recruitment are in violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations.

Another diplomat, E. was involved in collecting intelligence on Hungarian nationals working in Brussels. His objective was to determine which individuals held important positions that could later be valuable for information exchange or potential recruitment. However, E’s unhinged and overly direct questioning quickly raised alarms, exposing the operation as a whole. 

Várhelyi, now the Hungarian European Commissioner for Health and Animal Welfare, met with President Ursula von der Leyen shortly after the allegations emerged. In an expected response, the commissioner denied being aware of any attempts to recruit Hungarian informants within the European Commission.

While intelligence-gathering among member states is not entirely uncommon, Hungary’s methods went far beyond accepted norms within the Union. The recent case of espionage is not the only one the Hungarian government was associated with: In 2015, the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) launched an investigation into a company, owned by none other than Orbán’s son-in-law, over the suspected misuse of EU funds. During the investigation, Hungarian secret services monitored and wiretapped OLAF officers on several occasions. While both operations took Brussels by surprise, it was not the first and only instance in which Hungary utilized such tools against their allies. 

The diplomatic standoff of Hungary and Ukraine

On May 5, Ukraine’s secret service (SBU) exposed a network of agents tasked with collecting information on Ukraine’s Zakarpattia Oblast, a western region historically tied to Hungary and still home to a significant ethnic Hungarian population.

The SBU detained two individuals suspected of spying for the Hungarian Military National Security Service,both of whom had formerly served in the Ukrainian military. According to SBU, the region’s military vulnerabilities and socio-political attitudes of the local population were high on the intelligence gathering agenda. Shockingly, the objective was reportedly to speculate how residents might respond if Hungarian troops were to enter Subcarpathia.

In response to such allegations, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó replied:

“Ever since the war began, there has also been an increasingly strong anti-Hungarian propaganda campaign.”

In what seemed as a tit-for-tat, Hungary would go on to expel two Ukrainian diplomats, Dmytro K. and Yuuri K.,shortly after the detention of the suspected Hungarian agents. Péter Szijjártó claimed that the expelled diplomats were agents of the Ukrainian secret services, and were operating under diplomatic cover, working as first secretaries at the Ukrainian Embassy. Hungarian intelligence services had reportedly been aware for some time of the two undercover agents linked to Ukraine’s Foreign Intelligence Service. Potentially, the Hungarian government permitted their operations to continue, viewing them as a useful tool for diplomatic de-escalation in case the Hungarian espionage activities came to light.

The case involving alleged Hungarian spies in Ukraine, a country strongly supported by the EU and numerous NATO members,suggests that Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is more than willing to disregard international norms, law, and order. This was already made clear earlier this year, when Orbán welcomed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Budapest, and subsequently announced Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu.

Orbán has repeatedly signaled a willingness to flout established legal conventions, an assertiveness that again came to public attention on October 16, when Orbán proudly shared the news of Budapest had been named as a potential host city for a Donald Trump-Vladimir Putin summit, cheerfully wrote:

“Another great chance for peace, and it’s only Thursday!”

Despite Orbán’s high hopes, Donald Trump and White House officials quickly distanced themselves from the proposed summit, deeming it unnecessary. Since then, the Financial Times has claimed that the cancellation happened due to demands from Moscow. While Hungary formally notified its withdrawal from the ICC on the day Budapest welcomed Netanyahu, the process will require a full year to take legal effect. If Hungary were to host such a summit before that period ends, it would still be obliged to arrest Putin, however, few expect Orbán to abide by international law.

Disinformation at Home 

While the Hungarian government points fingers at Ukraine for spreading propaganda, it is them who used similar tactics to undermine their domestic opposition. With the 2026 elections just around the corner, a wave of disinformation has begun to sweep across Hungary.

Recent polls suggest that Orbán’s main opposition party, Tisza, currently leads his ruling Fidesz party. In response, government-aligned media outlets have launched defamation campaigns against opposition figures, accusing them of secret  ties to Ukrainian Intelligence. Though no credible evidence has been presented, a flood of bizarre AI propaganda videos and images have circulated on social media, attempting to portray opposition politicians as agents of Kyiv. What makes the case even more intriguing is that Péter Magyar, the head of Tisza Party — whom Orbán has frequently accused of being under Ukrainian influence — served as a diplomat in Brussels during the period when the spy network was active. Magyar even claimed to have been targeted by these operations himself, although the credibility of those claims remains an open question. 

Orbán’s Geopolitical Balancing Act 

As these cases demonstrate, the Hungarian government does not shy away from infiltrating the institutions or militaries of its allies. While such behavior is hardly unique among states, Hungary’s situation is further complicated by its unusually close ties to the West’s traditional rivals, most notably Russia.

In 2022, reports emerged that Russian hackers affiliated with the FSB and GRU had repeatedly accessed the IT systems of Hungary’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Hungary’s Minister Szijjártó initially dismissed the allegations, despite internal documents later confirming the contrary. In an unexpected turn, he threatened journalists to exercise caution when publishing such materials, as he noted, that they should not be in possession of.

Despite Russian infiltration clearly being an open secret within the Hungarian Foreign Ministry, Péter Szijjártó would later go on to accept the Russian Order of Friendship from Russian counterpart, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. Not least, the two seem to have a close relationship, having met on several occasions since the Russian infiltration of Hungarian IT systems, and the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, underscoring Hungary’s willingness to cultivate ties with a geopolitical adversary even amid evidence of direct interference.

The Risk to European Security

It is evident that the Hungarian government collects and stores sensitive data obtained from their allies through covert operations. Moreover, the case of the Russian infiltration of Hungarian IT systems, and the Hungarian government’s consistent efforts to conceal such breaches from the public eye, sets a dangerous precedent.

The larger question looms:  If Hungary spies on its allies, and Russia freely targets  Hungary without repercussions, what is to stop EU and NATO information from falling into Vladimir Putin’s hands? The prospect is alarming, and given the evidence, far from implausible.