3…2…1…Liftoff! The infamous words that encapsulate the atmosphere of launch day at Port Canaveral, Florida. Something that the U.S. has been doing since the 1960s. On the other side of the Atlantic, rockets, mostly Russian, are launched from Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan. Meanwhile, the Europeans have yet to launch a homegrown rocket on EU soil. Yet with the proposal of the EU Space Act by the EU commission in June 2025, does that mean Brussels is finally recognizing the future of geopolitics in outer space? It appears that the EU Space Act intends to lay down the legal, economic, and social foundations for future European space collaboration. However, while MPs in Brussels continue to discuss and argue over the fine details, individual EU member states are not waiting ideally by. Some members, like France and Italy, established their own Space Command or “Space Force” in the months following the creation of the U.S. Space Force by President Trump in 2019. While others, like the Netherlands, formally rebranded their air force to the “Netherlands Air and Space Force” in recent months, conveying their recognition that potential adversaries could threaten the country from space as well. 

More importantly, it should be noted that when referring to the “militarization of space,” it does not mean sci-fi style dogfights or star destroyers traversing the known galaxies. While humanity may reach that point in a few centuries, it’s more relevant to simply convey today’s space militarization around the rapid growing investment in space infrastructure which could be redeployed or repurposed for military purposes – in any capacity that supports operational readiness or strategic interests in outer space. 

Before delving into how France, Italy, and the Netherlands are pursuing their own interests in humanity’s final frontier, it is important to explain what exactly the EU Space Act lays out. The act is built on five pillars: 

1. The operation and control of human-made objects sent to space
2. The provision of space launch services 
3. Emphasis of primary providers – first to process data, you have right to it
4. In-space services and operations
5. Collision-avoidance services 

The act possesses little explanation of the physical security measures that Brussels will take to protect the orbital assets of the European Space Agency (ESA) and its partners. The closest mention revolves around cybersecurity, which is important for ensuring the safety of satellites, however with threats like Russia and China having or testing anti-satellites capabilities, Europe needs to go further. This act is a prominent first step. However, it’s important to state that having a legal framework is vital for Europe’s space interests, but if the EU doesn’t invest and produce physical defense, their existing assets (Gaileo, Copernicus, and GovSatCom) in orbit will remain vulnerable to sabotage or hostilities from Russia, China, and other adversaries. An issue that France, Italy, and the Netherlands not only recognizes, but have already taken the initiative on. 

But why choose these three specific EU member states? France and Italy make sense to highlight because both have a long heritage in space dating back to the Cold War, and each has kept that tradition alive by building up their own space commands in recent years. The Netherlands is more of a newcomer, but its recent decision to rebrand their air force as the “Netherlands Air and Space Force”, backed by investments totaling millions of euros in the domestic aerospace defense industry, shows that the Dutch are becoming serious about catching up and carving out their own place in Europe’s defense in orbit.

France

Space exploration is not a new idea in France, the country has a galactic legacy that starts around the same time as the Americans. However, France was the first EU member to openly convey their intentions of militarizing space. In the months following the USSF’s creation, France established French Space Command (Le Commandment de l’Espace) and rebranded their air force to the Armée de l’air et de l’espace (Air and Space Force). Since 2020, billions of euros have been poured into France’s defense sector, with industry giants like Thales and Dassault receiving significant support for their current aerospace projects – such as Thales lunar habitation module and Dassault’s VORTEX Spaceplane. Additionally, a NATO Center for Excellence focused on the alliance’s role in space, manned by the leading aerospace member state figures, including 26 Frenchmen experts was built in the southern city of Toulouse.  Lastly, France has hosted the annual AsterX exercise since 2020. In this two week initiative, space personnel from NATO and its partners participate in a simulated crisis evolving around allied space capabilities. 

While President Macron conveyed that France’s pursuit of an “ambitious space program” was in the interests of Europe as a whole – the collective aspect is becoming very slow to mature due to parliamentary challenges in Brussels, forcing Paris to purely develop its space program for “matters of its own national security.” This new era of change in France’s purpose in outer space reflects historical French thinking of being the leader in Europe’s defense under the political philosophy of Charles de Gaulle’s idea of“European unity, French independence.” While an American withdrawal from Europe is unlikely, especially with Trump’s 180 turn on the Russo-Ukraine war, European dependence on American space assets is alarming. The French understand the potential void that would come with an American withdrawal and are determined to become a leader in European defense – on the ground and amongst the stars. 

Italy

Just like the French, Italy established the Italian Space Operations Command (Comando delle Operazioni Spaziali) in the subsequent months after the USSF’s creation. Italy also possesses a legacy of space ingenuity and alongside the French and while Rome may not be as open to its intentions of militarizing space, the Italians have made significant strides. Italy has also channeled billions of euros into its dual-use satellite programs, such as the COSMO-Skymed constellation which was originally designed for civil purposes, but now is fully integrated into Italian intelligence networks. Italian defense giants like Leonardo and the Italian-French merger of Thales Alenia are central to Rome’s space industry landscape. Leonardo does not have a developed space branch to the likes of Dassault’s, however the Italian company is looking to make corporate alliances to get its foot in the door. 

The Italians have also played a strategic role in NATO and U.S. space capabilities. Members of its space command partake in initiatives of the NATO Space Center in Ramstein, Germany. Moreover, Italian space personnel are embedded with USSF guardians in joint space situational awareness operations. Italy is also a member of France’s AsterX exercises and NASA’s Artemis Accords – in accordance with PM Meloni’s conveying Italy’s determination to be a proactive transatlantic partner. Meloni’s government has repeatedly emphasized the need for European resilience. It has made deals with SpaceX, signed a statement of cooperation with the USSF, and created the US-Italy Space dialogue to show that the U.S. is still a key aspect in promoting Italian space interests. The key difference is that France remains committed to working closely with the U.S., while Paris has made it a priority to develop a sovereign, homegrown space industry. Italy, on the other hand, continues to build its space capabilities through strong collaboration with Washington, reflecting a more transatlantic approach to its strategic development.

Netherlands

While compared to France and Italy, the Dutch are behind in embracing space militarization. With their air force being rebranded to the “Netherlands Air and Space Force,” it reflects Dutch recognition of the importance of space in national defense. As Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans said, “space is not a luxury; it’s a force enabler,” justifying the Hague’s decision to enhance their fledgling space defense capabilities. In the weeks and months since the name change, up-and-coming names in the aerospace industry, such as Polish-Finnish company Iceye, have won contracts to supply satellites and other space-bound technologies to the RNLAF. The future for the Dutch contribution to European space capabilities looks bright. With the local aerospace industry contributing about €1.9 billion to the country’s economy and government support for a 10-15 year-long investment plan, the country will become a major player, alongside France and Italy, in defending Europe from the last frontier. 

Conclusion 

While France and Italy have long held advantages in European space and defense, the Netherlands shows how fast a country can pivot when the political winds shift. Against the backdrop of weak momentum in Brussels and stalling parliamentary negotiations over the EU Space Act, national projects are already filling a vacuum. With President Trump’s repeated jab at European “free riding” and Washington’s dominance in NATO’s space infrastructure, Europe can’t afford to drift. Paris, Rome, and The Hague are laying the foundation — but will Brussels rally behind them?