What are women’s rights?

Women’s rights remain in essence those of human rights—that is, the right to life, free expression, security, freedom from slavery, and so forth… Because of their unique historical neglect, however, it has become necessary to define ‘women’s rights’ as under a distinct title.

Despite this, women’s access to education remain limited in many parts of the world, their economic rights are undercut, and their access to health services are virtually non-existent in many countries. They face early marriage, forced labor, sexual abuse, physical and psychological violence, discrimination in the workplace and exclusion from political representation. Indeed, notwithstanding much progress over the past century in some places, these rights remain under serious—and often growing—threat, especially in regions struggling with occupation, war and political upheaval.

Afghanistan remains a case in point. Below, we go over Afghanistan’s historical context and examine the European Union’s record on protecting the rights of Afghan women, its discourse and level of implementation.

Women’s rights in Afghanistan

Emergent in 1994, the Taliban is a group whose ultimate goal lies in transforming Afghanistan into a state characterized by strict Islamist rule. Starting in 1996 until 2001, the group took over the country, establishing an Islamic regime based on their ideology and ruled under Sharia law.

By then, women’s rights were significantly restricted—restricted from receiving education and working, and could only leave their homes under male accompaniment. “In spite of their initial promises to respect women’s rights within the framework of Sharia law, the Taliban issued numerous decrees that prevent women and girls from exercising their basic rights to freedom of expression, liberty, work and education.” (medica mondiale). In 2001, upon the backdrop of the September 11 attacks, NATO forces led by the United States intervened in Afghanistan, legitimising the overthrow of the Taliban regime under the argument of their safe-harbouring of Al-Qaeda—the terrorist organisation blamed for the New York attacks. 

After the fall of the Taliban regime, a process of restructuring Afghanistan—so-called ‘state-building’—was initiated with the support of the international community. Afghan girls and women were granted various rights. Girls could now study, women could participate in the public sector and benefit from health services. Such an innovation—coming right after the Taliban’s implementation of sharia law—shone like a ray of sunshine in the country. After the overthrow, a Western-backed democratic government was established. “In the years following international intervention, many schools opened their doors to girls and women went back to work. There was progress towards equality: women’s rights were enshrined in the new constitution in 2003, and in 2009, Afghanistan adopted the Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW) law.” (Amnesty International). During this period, NATO assumed security tasks through ISAF (International Security Assistance Force). In 2011, following the death of Al-Qaeda’s Osama bin Laden, the US announced its withdrawal from Afghanistan—partly reasoned by the fact that it was becoming the US’ longest war in its history, with domestic approval thereof waning.

For the US, however, the war was not merely politically unsustainable—it was perceived to have significant economic hardship. A decade after the announcement, the withdrawal was finalized in 2021, and US and NATO forces evacuated the country. But in a shock of a withdrawal, Afghanistan would swiftly return to Taliban control. 

With the withdrawal of the United States from the field, not only was the Western-backed government dismantled, but women’s rights to education and basic freedoms were soon severely curtailed, once again. The period of women’s advancement that had occurred under Western auspices had come to an end. With the rapid restructuring of the regime, the international community’s response to the situation has become the focus of current debates, and the US’s unilateral decision to withdraw without proper coordination with its Western allies has been criticized by European Union officials.

In light of these developments, the Afghanistan issue has become more important topic than ever for the EU. In this context, the Council of the European Union has viewed the deterioration in Afghanistan as a critical issue, closely monitoring the process through recurring reports it formed between 2014 and 2024.

10 years of policy and rhetoric: The Council of the European Union’s Afghan approach to women’s rights and human rights (2014–2024) 

Between 2014 and 2024, the Council of the European Union—the EU institution responsible for foreign and security policy—developed various policies and rhetorical stances on women’s rights and human rights in Afghanistan. Their ultimate goal was to ensure the prevention of the Taliban’s reestablishment of control over the country following US President Barack Obama’s withdrawal plan in 2011 and then President Joe Biden’s unilateral decision to withdraw from Afghanistan in 2021. Indeed, they were policies aimed at ultimately maintaining the stability of modernised Afghanistan.

On January 20, 2014—six years prior to the final withdrawal—the Council of the European Union decided to step up its relations with Afghanistan. Under this context, a call was made to complete the Comprehensive Afghanistan Partnership and Development (CAPD) negotiations with the aim of ensuring sustainable development and political cooperation between the EU and Afghanistan. CAPD has promoted cooperation between the European Union and Afghanistan in the areas of economic development, humanitarian aid, human rights, and particularly the empowerment of women. Following the completion of negotiations at the request of the EU Council, the EU’s support has played a critical role in Afghanistan’s development and in increasing women’s participation in social, economic, and political life.

On November 19, 2018, the Council considered the provisional application of the CAPD to be a positive step. Until 2018, the agreement had only existed at the diplomatic level, but from then onwards, it began to be implemented in practice between the parties, paving the way for practical cooperation. 

According to a statement made by the EU High Representative on February 29, 2019, the EU considered it vital to protect the political, economic, and social gains achieved by the Afghan people since 2001—that is, since the 2001 fall of the Taliban regime—and to ensure that these gains are sustainable. In this context, the EU had affirmed its willingness to support the peace process—a peace process only safeguarded, it argued, if respect for human rights, including women’s rights, were to be ensured, fundamental issues such as poverty and education had to be addressed, and the entire process must be resolved through diplomatic means. 

On August 18, 2020, a joint statement by the European Union and several international organizations emphasized that Afghan women and girls, like other Afghans, have the right to live in security and equality. The statement rejected all forms of discrimination and called for measures to prevent such discrimination. However, despite these statements, with the Taliban’s return to power in 2021, women’s rights in Afghanistan were nevertheless severed. Although the EU continued to support programs aimed at defending women’s rights, their practical effectiveness remained minimal. 

On March 28, 2021, in a statement made on behalf of the EU, the High Representative strongly condemned the Taliban’s decision to deny more than one million Afghan girls access to education. In their view, it had become a situation that transcended national boundaries, requiring a collective response from the international community. In a period where education is of such critical importance, depriving a child of their right to education solely based on their gender is legally deemed a serious violation of human rights under international law. European condemnations were thereafter repeated on December 21, 2022, as the Taliban banned women’s access to secondary education—and yet again in April 7, 2023, as the Taliban forbade Afghan women from working for the UN and its affiliated agencies.

More recently, on August 26, 2024, the European Union expressed concern over a new decree issued by the Taliban on the grounds of “a so-called law on the propagation of virtue and the prevention of vice”—a decree imposing yet another wave of severe restrictions on the lives of the Afghan people, including mandates on clothing rules requiring women to cover their bodies and faces. 

As the Taliban’s endeavours to restrict women’s rights fuel on despite the international community’s attempts to counteract them, how do the EU’s 10-year efforts stack against history?

Despite the EU’s consistency and strength in its condemnations, their intervention in domestic policy has largely been minute. Although humanitarian aid continued initially, the fact that this aid was carried out under Taliban control created serious obstacles, particularly in terms of reaching women directly. Similarly, financial support and projects for education and health services have made important contributions, but have not had sufficient impact due to conditions on the ground. Today, women’s rights continue to be just as seriously neglected in Afghanistan, and women are struggling to survive under extremely difficult conditions under the Taliban regime’s oppressive practices—even if the media has shifted focus towards other situations like Gaza and Ukraine.

The United Nations

In addition to the limited impact of the EU, United Nations agencies have been active in Afghanistan during these past years, establishing a particular lifeline for women and children. Some progress has been made, despite domestic control remaining under the Taliban’s repressive regime.

Perhaps the strongest voice in defense of Afghan women’s rights has come from UN WOMEN. Since the Taliban seized power, it has consistently called for women’s education and participation in society. 

Established on March 28, 2002, UNAMA is the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan—the UN organization designed to monitor the on-ground situation. It works in the critical area of monitoring, review and accurately reporting human rights violations to the international community. It regularly reports on the Taliban’s discriminatory policies against women and children and prepares various diplomatic processes to mobilize rights. UNAMA also works on the ground to deliver humanitarian aid and basic services for women. 

Another critical UN aid organization, UNICEF, renowned for its pioneering efforts in education, has taken the strongest stance on the right to education for Afghan girls. Indeed, the common denominator for these organizations remain the protection and upholding of women and children’s fundamental rights, but as in the case of the EU, their impact has remained limited by the Taliban’s strict regime.

Sanctions and non-recognition

In terms of sanctions, the EU has imposed comprehensive restrictions against the Taliban, albeit insufficient to generate meaningful change on the ground. These sanctions, such as the EU’s economic and diplomatic restrictions against the Taliban, include the freezing of assets, the imposition of travel bans, and the non-recognition of the Taliban government. Economically, the EU’s restrictions do place a certain degree of financial strain on the Taliban’s harsh regime and limited its room for maneuver in the international arena. At the same time, the US did not remain silent and started to impose an embargo, and officially keeps the Taliban under its ‘Foreign Terrorist Organization‘. Both actors have also supported programs such as UNICEF and UNAMA.

Additionally, many countries refrain from recognizing the Taliban government. During its most active period pre-US intervention (1996-2001), the Taliban-controlled Afghan government was diplomatically recognized only by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Today, Russia is the only foreign country that has gone out of its way to establish good relations with the Taliban, legitimising the internationally-considered illegitimate government. Moscow even removed the Taliban from its list of “terrorist groups”, further signing bilateral trade agreements. In July 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin, in a speech, called the Taliban not a terrorist group but “our ally” in the fight against terrorism. In this context, the Taliban became a de facto recognized actor for Russia. (Drury & Wilson, 2025)    

Conclusion

The Taliban’s unjust and discriminatory policies towards women and girls have been strongly criticized by the European Union and the international community; statements to this effect have also been included in the joint statement issued by Western Foreign Ministers: 

“We stand with all Afghans in their demand to exercise their human rights consistent with Afghanistan’s obligations under international law. With these moves, the Taliban are further isolating themselves from the Afghan population and the international community. We urge the Taliban to immediately abandon the new oppressive measures with respect to university education for women and girls and to, without delay, reverse the existing decision to prohibit girls’ access to secondary school.”(Joint Statement by Foreign Ministers on the Taliban’s Decision to Ban Women from Universities, 2022).  

As a result, it is unrealistic to say that Afghanistan is completely deprived of the EU’s or the United Nations’ support. However, given the current situation, it is also impossible to say that such support has had a long-term and lasting impact. Looking at the EU’s stance towards the Taliban, it is clear that an approach based on human rights and international legal norms has been adopted. However, by 2025, despite the fact that four years have passed since the US withdrawal, it is clear that Afghan women are deprived of their fundamental rights and are governed by a Taliban regime that openly violates human rights. Despite reactions from the international community, the Taliban continues its repressive practices. Although the European Union’s diplomatic rhetoric is strong, it has not been able to exert sufficient influence in practice, the reasons for which include factors such as lack of international support, political priorities, or the Taliban’s hardline stance. While this may become clearer over time, the most important thing to remember is this: Women’s rights are universal human rights that cannot be subject to negotiation, and their protection is not only a regional but a global responsibility.